Awareness, 38% Would Vote, 41% Say BJP Loses Most — What the First CJP Poll Data Actually Shows

From Meme to Movement to Data

The Cockroach Janta Party was founded on May 16, 2026 — 28 days ago. It was born from a remark: Chief Justice of India Surya Kant, during a Supreme Court hearing on May 15, compared unemployed youth who criticised the government to "cockroaches" and "parasites of society." Within hours, political strategist Abhijeet Dipke launched a satirical "people's party" that turned the insult into an identity.

Twenty-eight days later, CJP has 20 million+ Instagram followers, held its first street protest at Jantar Mantar on June 6, and announced a nationwide agitation tour starting June 11 demanding the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan.

But followers are not voters. Memes are not mandates. The first independent snap poll data on CJP — from a nationwide CATI survey of 1,000+ respondents, weighted for population distribution (rural:urban 60:40, male:female 65:35) — provides the first empirical test of whether digital momentum is converting into electoral potential.

The data tells a story with three chapters: awareness is massive, support is real but shallow, and the demographic fault lines are sharp.

Chapter 1: Awareness Is Extraordinary — For a 28-Day-Old Movement

87% of respondents have heard of CJP. Half (50%) say they "know a lot about it." Only 7.7% have never heard of it.

For context: most new political parties take months or years to achieve this level of name recognition. CJP achieved it in under a month — driven almost entirely by social media virality and mainstream news coverage of the Jantar Mantar rally.

The Age Gradient

The awareness data reveals a sharp generational divide:

• 18–24 year-olds: 62.4% say they "know a lot" — the highest of any age group

• 55+ year-olds: 37.5% say the same — the lowest

CJP's awareness declines linearly with age. It is overwhelmingly a young person's phenomenon in terms of depth of knowledge, even if the name has reached older demographics through news coverage.

The Caste Dimension

Scheduled Caste respondents show the highest awareness: 65.9% say they know a lot about CJP — higher than any other social group, including youth. This is a striking finding: CJP's penetration among SC communities exceeds even its penetration among its core Gen Z demographic.

Chapter 2: Support Is Real — But Shallow and Conditional

Leadership Rating: Polarised

When asked to rate CJP's leadership:

• 29.9% say "Excellent"

• 16.5% say "Very Poor"

• 18.1% say "Don't Know"

The leadership rating is not middling — it is polarised. CJP provokes strong reactions in both directions, with a significant undecided bloc.

The demographic breakdown sharpens the picture: 43.8% of 18–24 year-olds rate leadership "Excellent" — dropping to 17.4% among 45–54 year-olds. Among social groups, Muslims (40.7%) and SCs (40.4%) give the highest "Excellent" ratings. Upper Caste Hindus are the most critical: 27.5% rate leadership "Very Poor" — the highest negative score of any group.

The Jantar Mantar Rally: A Divided Verdict

The June 6 rally — CJP's first physical event — received a nearly 3:2 negative-to-positive split:

• 28.7% call it "a complete failure"

• 19.6% call it "a major success"

• 21.3% say "Don't Know"

Urban respondents are significantly more critical (37.2% call it a complete failure) compared to rural (25%) — suggesting the rally's narrative landed better outside cities, despite being held in Delhi.

The Instagram Question: Voters Know the Difference

When asked whether CJP's large Instagram following means strong electoral support:

• 32.6% say No

• 22.6% say Yes

• 27.4% say Don't Know

This is a sobering finding for a movement built on digital momentum. Voters broadly do not conflate social media reach with electoral viability. Even among 18–24 year-olds — CJP's strongest demographic — only 29.6% say Instagram followers translate to votes. The most sceptical groups: 45–54 year-olds (44.2% say No) and Upper Caste Hindus (44.5% say No).

Chapter 3: Who Does CJP Hurt? The Answer Is Not What You'd Expect.

The most politically consequential question in the survey: which political force would be most affected by CJP's rise?

41.4% of respondents — a plurality by a wide margin — believe CJP would hurt the BJP/NDA the most. Only 16.8% say Congress/INDIA bloc.

This is the single most important data point in the entire survey. It means voters perceive CJP as drawing from the BJP's base, not the opposition's. In electoral terms, CJP is seen as a right-of-centre disruptor or, at minimum, a vote-splitter at the BJP's expense.

The perception is strongest among Scheduled Tribes (60.7% say BJP/NDA) and rural voters (43.6% vs 36.3% urban) — demographics that carry significant electoral weight in FPTP constituencies.

The Electoral Question: Would You Actually Vote?

Should CJP Contest Elections?

• 34.6% say Yes

• 27.9% say No

• 37.5% say Don't Know — the largest single bloc

No clear mandate. The undecided pool is massive. Only one age group has a majority in favour: 18–24 year-olds at 50.4%.

Among social groups, Muslims are most supportive (43.2% say Yes), UCH most opposed (36.2% say No). Women are more in favour than men (38.2% vs 31.3%).

Would You Vote for CJP?

• 38.4% lean Yes (Definitely + Probably)

• 34.9% lean No (Definitely + Probably)

• 26.7% Don't Know

A slim positive tilt — but not a decisive one. The "Definitely Yes" core is 22.5%, while "Definitely No" is 20.3%. The movement has a committed base, but it is matched by an equally committed opposition.

The demographic profile of CJP's potential electorate:

• Strongest base: 18–24 year-olds (31.4% Definitely Yes, only 7.7% Definitely No), Scheduled Tribes (31.5% Definitely Yes + 21.9% Probably Yes = 53.4% combined lean-yes — the highest of any group)

• Hardest to win: Upper Caste Hindus (31.3% Definitely No — highest of any group, only 17.5% Definitely Yes), 55+ year-olds (30.7% Definitely No)

• Critical swing: Rural voters are more likely to vote CJP (25.3% Definitely Yes) than urban (15.8%) — a significant gap in a country where rural constituencies outnumber urban ones

  

The BJP's "B-Team" Allegation: Limited Traction

BJP has publicly alleged that CJP is the "B-Team" of AAP and other opposition parties — a claim rooted in founder Dipke's past association with the Aam Aadmi Party.

The poll tests this framing:

• 24.9% agree with the allegation

• 30.3% neither agree nor disagree

• 15.1% disagree

• 29.7% don't know

The allegation has limited purchase with the broader electorate. It has the most traction among Upper Caste Hindus (31.2% agree) and older voters (45–54: 33.9% agree). It has the least traction among the demographics CJP actually targets: youth, SCs, STs.

What the Data Says When Read Together

Five findings emerge from reading the 11 survey questions as a single dataset:

1. CJP has achieved extraordinary awareness (87%) in 28 days. No Indian political movement in recent memory has reached this level of name recognition this fast. The achievement is real.

2. But awareness does not equal support. Only 38.4% would consider voting for CJP. The gap between 87% awareness and 38% voting intention is 49 percentage points — a conversion rate of approximately 44%. Most people who know about CJP are not yet willing to vote for it.

3. The core base is narrow and specific: 18–24 year-olds, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Muslims, women, and rural voters. This is a coalition of the economically marginalised and the digitally engaged young — a powerful combination if it holds, but one that excludes the most electorally influential demographic in Indian politics: Upper Caste Hindus.

4. UCH is the wall. Across every question — leadership, rally, voting intention, overall impression — Upper Caste Hindus are consistently the most sceptical, most negative, and most opposed. CJP cannot win FPTP seats without either converting or bypassing this demographic.

5. Voters think CJP hurts BJP, not Congress. This is the finding that should concern the ruling party's strategists most. Whether CJP is a "B-Team" or an organic movement, the electorate perceives it as drawing from the BJP's vote bank — not the opposition's.

Frequently Asked Questions

What is the Cockroach Janta Party?

A satirical political movement founded on May 16, 2026, by Abhijeet Dipke after CJI Surya Kant compared unemployed youth to "cockroaches." CJP has 20 million+ Instagram followers and held its first protest at Jantar Mantar on June 6. It is not registered as a political party.

How many people know about CJP?

According to snap poll data, 87% of respondents have heard of CJP, with 50% saying they know a lot about it. Awareness is highest among 18–24 year-olds (62.4%) and Scheduled Castes (65.9%).

Would people vote for CJP?

38.4% lean towards voting for CJP (Definitely + Probably Yes), while 34.9% lean against. 26.7% are undecided. The strongest support comes from 18–24 year-olds, STs (53.4% combined lean-yes), and rural voters.

Which party does CJP hurt most?

41.4% of respondents believe BJP/NDA would be most affected by CJP's rise — by far the highest response. Only 16.8% say Congress/INDIA bloc.

The Bottom Line

CJP has achieved in 28 days what most political movements take years to build: near-universal name recognition, a defined demographic base, and enough voting intention to be electorally relevant as a potential spoiler.

But the data also shows the limits. The 49-percentage-point gap between awareness (87%) and voting intention (38%) means CJP is currently a cultural phenomenon that has not yet become an electoral force. The core base — youth, SC, ST, Muslim, rural — is enthusiastic but narrow. And the demographic that determines Indian elections — Upper Caste Hindus — is the one most resistant to CJP across every metric.

The massive "Don't Know" pools (averaging 25–30% across most questions) represent the swing. CJP's electoral future depends on whether it can convert undecideds into voters — and whether it can do so before the digital momentum fades, as it has for every Indian social media movement before it.