Law revolution in Uttar Pradesh under Yogi Adityanath: Miracle or mirage?

Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state, has undergone significant changes under Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath since he assumed office in 2017. His administration's flagship initiative, often dubbed the Yogi Adityanath law and order model, emphasises a zero-tolerance approach to crime, mafia networks, and corruption. Proponents hail it as a blueprint for governance, crediting it with revitalising the state's economy and administration. However, critics argue it veers into authoritarianism, with allegations of human rights abuses and selective enforcement. This article examines both sides, drawing on official data, independent reports, and diverse viewpoints to provide a balanced perspective on its implications.

The model emerged against a backdrop of Uttar Pradesh's historical reputation as a 'BIMARU' state—beset by backwardness, illness, overpopulation, and underdevelopment. Prior governments were accused of fostering 'goonda raj' (rule by thugs), where organised crime flourished with political patronage. Adityanath's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government promised a clean break, prioritising security as the foundation for progress. Over eight years, this has translated into aggressive policing, infrastructure upgrades, and welfare schemes. Yet, as the state eyes a $500 billion economy, questions linger about the human cost.

Successes of Yogi's model

Adityanath's law and order strategy centres on dismantling criminal syndicates through targeted operations, property seizures, and encounters. Official figures paint a picture of substantial progress. Since 2017, over 8,000 encounters have resulted in 222 criminals killed and 8,118 injured, while more than 80,000 have been jailed. Property worth over ₹20,000 crore linked to mafias has been confiscated under the Gangster Act. This crackdown has reportedly led to a voluntary surrender by 10,000 criminals, signalling a shift in the power dynamic.

Crime statistics from the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) underscore these gains. Uttar Pradesh's overall crime rate now falls below the national average, with an 85% reduction in serious offences. Specific declines include dacoity by 70.1%, loot by 69.3%, murder by 29.1%, rape by 52%, and kidnapping by 41%. The charge-sheeting rate exceeds the national benchmark, indicating efficient prosecutions. Initiatives like Anti-Romeo squads and Mission Shakti have focused on women's safety, contributing to an 11.6% drop in dowry deaths.

Bolstering these efforts is the modernisation of the police force. From a shortfall of 200,000 personnel in 2017, recruitment has added 60,000 constables and provided jobs to 216,000 youths. New stations (126), outposts (86), CCTV networks, and the UP112 emergency service have enhanced response times. Merit-based hiring has reportedly curbed nepotism, a stark contrast to pre-2017 practices criticised for corruption.

This security overhaul has ripple effects on administration. With reduced criminal interference, schemes like Mukhyamantri Kanya Sumangala (for girls' education), Ujjwala (free gas connections), and Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana (56 lakh homes built) are implemented more effectively. Farmer debt waivers worth ₹36,000 crore and widespread electrification (24/7 power in many areas) reflect improved governance. Education has expanded with 67 universities, 5,842 colleges, and thousands of technical institutes, boosting literacy rates to 81.8% for males and 63.4% for females. Over 500,000 government jobs and skill programmes have addressed youth unemployment, with rural joblessness recovering post-2017 spikes.

Supporters, including Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar, praise Adityanath for redefining law and order, making Uttar Pradesh an investment model. The state has shed its poor image, with NCRB rankings placing it low in key crime categories like rape (23rd) and murder (24th) among states.

Shadow: Human rights concerns

Despite these achievements, the Yogi Adityanath law and order model faces sharp rebuke for alleged excesses. Human rights organisations and opposition parties decry a 'thok do' (shoot down) policy that prioritises brute force over due process. Encounter killings, while defended as self-defence, are labelled 'fake' by critics, with at least 67 such incidents in the early months post-2017, many involving non-hardened criminals. The Supreme Court and human rights commissions have scrutinised these, highlighting violations.

Bulldozer demolitions exemplify punitive policing. Properties of accused individuals, often Muslims, are razed without notice under anti-encroachment pretexts, flouting Supreme Court guidelines on due process. In Bareilly, following Adityanath's 2025 speech warning of retribution, structures were demolished amid mass arrests and internet shutdowns, seen as collective punishment. Such actions, amplified by rhetoric like 'chedhoge to chodenge nahi' (if you provoke, we won't spare), normalise vigilantism and target minorities.

Crime data is contested. While NCRB shows declines, opposition claims underreporting, with Uttar Pradesh accounting for 14.5% of India's crimes against women—the highest share—and a 107% rise in girl rapes since 2017. Crimes against children surged 24%, and the state leads in daily murders (12 per day) and offences against Dalits (one-third of the national total). High-profile cases like Hathras (2020), where a Dalit girl's body was cremated forcibly amid allegations of administrative cover-up, fuel accusations of bias.

Political abuse is another flashpoint. False cases against dissenters, such as anti-CAA protesters or activists like Mohammad Shoaib, contrast with the withdrawal of 16 charges against Adityanath himself, including attempt to murder. The Special Security Force, empowered to arrest without warrants, is feared for misuse. Critics argue this fosters anarchy, emboldening upper-caste criminals under a perceived 'their government'.

Balancing act: Impacts on economy, society

The Yogi Adityanath law and order model undeniably catalysed economic revival. A secure environment attracted ₹36 lakh crore in investments at the 2023 Global Investors Summit, involving giants like Samsung, Tata, and Microsoft. Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) doubled to ₹27.51 lakh crore by 2024-25, with per capita income rising from ₹52,671 to ₹93,514. Uttar Pradesh now contributes 9.2% to India's GDP, ranking second among states.

Infrastructure booms include expressways like Purvanchal (340 km) and Bundelkhand (296 km), metro expansions, and new airports in Ayodhya and Jewar. The One District One Product (ODOP) scheme revived local industries, providing interest-free loans to 10 lakh youths. Tourism surged with projects like the Kashi Vishwanath Corridor, expecting 66 crore visitors for Maha Kumbh 2025. Social spending and capital expenditure have risen sharply, making the state revenue surplus.

Yet, this growth is uneven. Critics link punitive measures to social divisions, with demolitions and arrests disproportionately affecting Muslims and Dalits, potentially stifling inclusive development. Persistent gender and caste disparities—female literacy at 63.4%, high Dalit crimes—suggest security gains haven't fully trickled down. Opposition voices, like the Congress, argue that actual progress requires balancing enforcement with justice, not rhetoric that normalises bias.

The Yogi Adityanath law and order model has propelled Uttar Pradesh from lawlessness to economic promise, but at what price? As the state navigates these tensions, its trajectory offers lessons for India's governance debates. Sustainable success may hinge on addressing criticisms to ensure security benefits all citizens equally.