Voter roll anomalies: Lessons from TN Seshan and electoral reforms

India’s voter roll anomalies have sparked widespread debate, raising questions about the integrity of the electoral process. Although I met TN Seshan several times, I formally interviewed the former Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) only twice. Known for his no-nonsense approach, Seshan remained focused on the topic at hand. When asked about the electorate’s relationship with the 2011 Census of India, he quipped, “Anyone serious in this country?” His response encapsulated the frustrations surrounding electoral roll discrepancies and the lack of accountability.

TN Seshan’s tenure and roots of India's voter roll anomalies

During TN Seshan’s tenure as CEC, general elections were held in 1984, 1989 and 1991. The 1991 election was pivotal, as the total electorate could be estimated using India’s annual population growth rates. The Census of India provides a decadal growth snapshot, and elections in 1971 and 1991 followed censuses closely, enabling accurate voter tallies.

Without the Sixty-First Amendment in 1988, which lowered the voting age from 21 to 18, the electorate would not have seen such a surge. This change amplified voter numbers for the Lok Sabha elections. However, the decadal population growth from 1961 to 1971 should have been mirrored in the 1991 voter rolls—but anomalies persisted.

In contrast, 1991 figures showed a drop from 1989, with 542,328 missing voters in the registered tally. Such anomalies in the Indian voter roll highlight systemic issues in maintaining accurate electoral lists.

Role of Election Commission in addressing electoral roll discrepancies

The Election Commission of India (ECI) holds powers of superintendence and autonomy to ensure fair elections. Voter enrolment remains a citizen’s duty, often involving costs, travel and long waits—tasks typically reserved for government personnel.

Revising electoral rolls falls outside the electioneering process, which spans from the announcement to the results, including the Model Code of Conduct period. ECI actions are protected by constitutional immunity during this period.

Yet, questions arise: Should pre-election anomalies in voters’ lists receive similar protection? India’s voter roll anomalies often become visible, especially in states with unique electoral setups.

Case study: Missing voters in a single-constituency state

In states like Nagaland, with a single Lok Sabha constituency, electoral roll discrepancies are stark:

• 2008: 1,302,266 registered voters
• 2013: 1,198,440 registered voters
• 2018: 1,176,432 registered voters
• 2022: 1,283,749 registered voters

Between 2008 and 2013, 103,826 voters disappeared! The decline continued in 2018 with 22,008 fewer voters, though some became newly eligible. By 2022, an increase of 107,317 left totals 18,517 short of 2008 levels.

To understand these anomalies in the Indian voter roll, consider the Census of India data and decadal growth rates. The 1971 and 1991 censuses significantly shaped the strength of the electorate, while also aiding in planning, economic growth, fiscal management and governance.

The Registrar General & Census Commissioner (RG&CSC) and ECI are central to government operations.

Historical trends in registered voters and population growth

A review of the Lok Sabha electorate from 1967 reveals how India’s voter roll anomalies have evolved:

These figures may not accurately reflect population growth, as India lacks real-time updates on births and deaths. Decadal changes serve as the baseline for voter calculations in elections.

## Disparities in Voter Tallies: Analysing Percentage of Voters vs. Population
When comparing the total population and voters, the anomalies in the voter roll in India become evident. Here’s the percentage of registered voters relative to decadal population:

Why these fluctuations despite reliable censuses? If decadal growth isn’t reflected in voter rolls every 18 years, the election machinery fails to meet national expectations.

The 1989 peak of 72.81% wasn’t sustained. A 10% drop from 1980 to 1984 and a 15% spike in 1989 remain unexplained.

Projecting voter growth: Where did millions of voters go?

India’s decadal growth from 1971 to 1981 was 24.66%. Applying this, the 1989 total of 498,906,129 voters should have grown to at least 840,015,355 by 2009 (18 years later). Where did nearly 123,930,251 voters vanish?

Using the 21.5% growth from 1991 to 2001, 2019 voters should have added 220 million, surpassing 1 billion. Yet, the tally fell short.

The question begs an answer. What is the actual eligible voter population? TN Seshan’s query echoes: Who is responsible in the country?