Is it Modi vs Bhagwat? Out of RSS & BJP, who leads & who follows?

The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and its political front, first the Bharatiya Jana Sangh and later the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have shared an intertwined history defined by both close coordination and moments of discord. While the RSS serves as the ideological fountainhead of Hindutva, the BJP has had to navigate the pragmatics of electoral politics, often resulting in a delicate balance between ideological fidelity and political expediency.

Bhagwat’s recent remarks on 'hostile neighbours'

In an interview published on 25 May 2025 by Organiser and Panchjanya, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat called for the use of brute power to "eradicate wickedness" in India's neighbourhood. The comment was made in the context of Operation Sindoor, a military operation targeting terrorist camps in Pakistan after the Pahalgam attack. Bhagwat hailed the operation for boosting national morale, strongly aligning his position with the Modi government’s approach to cross-border terrorism, particularly when it comes to Pakistan.

The phrase “hostile neighbours” sparked debate over whether Bhagwat was hinting at a broader military posture towards countries like China and Bangladesh. However, a close analysis of past statements and policy preferences suggests a more nuanced picture.

Pakistan: Alignment on aggressive responses

There is a clear alignment between Bhagwat and the BJP on Pakistan. His endorsement of Operation Sindoor echoes previous RSS support for military action against cross-border terrorism. The alignment reflects a consistent view within the Sangh Parivar that views Pakistan as a primary adversary due to its support for Islamist terrorism in Kashmir and elsewhere.

China: Strategic caution over confrontation

With China, Bhagwat’s approach has been more restrained. Following the Galwan Valley clash in 2020, he praised India’s military response, stating it had “stunned China.” However, he has consistently called for economic self-reliance and strategic preparedness rather than confrontation.

In 2013, he named China alongside Pakistan as a major threat, yet stopped short of advocating military action. The emphasis has remained on strategic deterrence rather than aggression.

Bangladesh: Diplomatic sensitivity over military posturing

In contrast to his tone on Pakistan, Bhagwat’s remarks on Bangladesh have centred around the safety and dignity of Hindus in that country. He has repeatedly urged Indian Hindus to draw lessons from violence in Bangladesh and to foster unity and resilience.

Nonetheless, he has not suggested any military solution, instead expressing support for continued diplomatic engagement. As early as 2020, Bhagwat emphasised cooperative ties with Bangladesh, indicating that brute force is not his preferred option in this context.

Recent strains: Post-2024 electoral tensions

Despite their alignment on external threats like Pakistan, the post-2024 general election period has revealed strains in the Bhagwat-Modi dynamic. Bhagwat publicly criticised the arrogance displayed during the BJP's campaign, urging a return to humility and restraint. Reports also suggested that RSS cadres were less enthusiastic in supporting the BJP during the elections.

These tensions point to growing differences not necessarily on ideology but on style, tone, and the centralisation of power.

Historical patterns: Where RSS and BJP converge and diverge

The RSS and the BJP have historically shared common ground on ideological issues such as Hindutva, national security, and cultural nationalism. But divergences have often emerged around governance, economics, and leadership style.

Points of agreement

• The Emergency (1975–77): The RSS and the Jana Sangh jointly opposed Indira Gandhi’s authoritarian regime, strengthening their alliance on democratic principles.
• Ram Temple movement (from 1989): Both organisations campaigned in unison for the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, reinforcing their shared Hindutva agenda.
• Pokhran-II nuclear tests (1998): Under Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the BJP’s decision to conduct nuclear tests was strongly backed by the RSS as a symbol of national pride and strength.
• China policy (2020): Bhagwat publicly supported India’s strong posture during the Galwan standoff, aligning with the BJP’s muscular foreign policy.

Points of disagreement

• Goods and Services Tax (2017): Bhagwat expressed concern that the GST would harm small businesses. This led to pressure on the government to raise the exemption threshold from ₹75 lakh to ₹1 crore — a rare instance of direct policy influence by the RSS on a key economic reform.
• Leadership style: The most recent example comes post-2024, with Bhagwat’s implicit critique of Narendra Modi’s perceived hubris and the centralisation of power. Similar concerns were voiced during K.S. Sudarshan’s tenure as RSS chief (2000–2009), when he questioned the BJP’s commitment to inclusive governance and economic justice.
• Autonomy and interference: From the Janata Party merger era in 1977 to more recently, senior BJP leaders such as L.K. Advani and Balraj Madhok have periodically raised concerns about the RSS overstepping its role and interfering in party affairs.

Key instances of alignment and divergence

Mohan Bhagwat’s recent comments on India's regional security posture reflect alignment with the BJP on Pakistan but suggest a more cautious, diplomatic stance toward China and Bangladesh. This selective endorsement underscores the broader pattern of the RSS’s relationship with the BJP — a dynamic oscillating between ideological cohesion and policy friction.

From the Emergency to the Ram Temple to GST and beyond, the RSS has proven to be both a guiding force and a critical observer of its political progeny. As the BJP under Modi navigates its third term, its ties with the Sangh appear to be under renewed scrutiny — not over doctrine, but over how doctrine translates into governance.