Zelensky circling New Delhi as Modi resets global order after Putin visit

New Delhi is quietly preparing for what could be its most diplomatically sensitive moment in the Russia-Ukraine war: a visit by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in January. That it may come barely weeks after Vladimir Putin’s high-visibility trip is no accident. It is part of a deliberate recalibration by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who is positioning India as a decisive voice in the global power struggle rather than a hesitant observer.

Indian and Ukrainian officials have been in discreet contact for several weeks. Sources familiar with the exchanges say the outreach to Kyiv began before Putin landed in Delhi— a sign that India intends to manage both relationships simultaneously, not sequentially. This signals a message to Moscow, Washington and Brussels: New Delhi will act on its own timetable, not anyone else’s.

The Zelensky visit, if confirmed, would mirror Modi’s diplomatic choreography last year, when he went to Moscow in July and then flew to Ukraine a month later. It was the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister to Ukraine since diplomatic ties began in the early 1990s, and the joint statement issued in Kyiv spoke of lifting ties towards a “strategic partnership” in the future.

Today’s context, however, is far more combustible.

India’s balancing act gets sharper as pressure builds from Washington

India has maintained a calibrated posture on the Russia-Ukraine war – publicly calling for dialogue and respect for sovereignty, while refusing to align with Western blocs demanding condemnation of Moscow. During Putin’s visit, Modi bluntly stated that India is “not neutral” and stands on the side of peace, a formulation that allows outreach to both camps without provoking either.

But the next few months are not only about Kyiv and Moscow. They are about Washington.

Former US President Donald Trump – now back at the centre of global calculations – has been pushing a “peace plan” that reportedly involves harsh concessions for Ukraine and a decisive break from existing Western strategy. Kyiv is deeply uneasy. Moscow is selectively receptive. Europe is divided. Washington itself is preparing for a foreign policy shift with unpredictable consequences.

And India? India is suddenly a country whose next diplomatic move everyone is watching.

A visit by Zelensky shortly after Putin’s could send a message directly to Washington: India will not be pressured into choosing a side. In fact, New Delhi may be one of the few capitals capable of speaking credibly to both leaders as the war enters a decisive phase.

Trump’s advisers have already indicated they expect India to “play a constructive role”. They would prefer Modi to lean towards their vision of a settlement that ends the war abruptly and frees up American resources. A Zelensky visit that strengthens India’s independent stance could unsettle those plans.

Ukraine’s calculations: battlefield pressures, corruption scandals, foreign guarantees

Kyiv is grappling with its own crises: intense battlefield losses, thinning Western aid and a major corruption scandal that has triggered internal dissent. Zelensky is under pressure to show he still has powerful allies outside the West.

A high-visibility visit to India – a country that has not condemned Russia, buys its oil, and keeps warm ties with Putin – would provide Zelensky with a diplomatic opportunity to claim he is expanding Ukraine’s support base beyond its traditional western donors.

Whether he actually travels in January depends on battlefield trends, internal political stability, and Trump’s fast-evolving peace framework. But Indian officials are treating the possibility seriously enough to initiate planning.

India’s long-term posture: refusing to be junior partner in global blocs

India’s outreach to both Putin and Zelensky is not about balancing for its own sake. It is about shaping the diplomatic endgame of a war whose outcome will influence India’s energy security, defence procurement options, multipolar ambitions, and its position inside BRICS, SCO and the G20.

New Delhi has already signalled it will oppose any peace plan that forces territorial concessions without both sides agreeing. It has also made it clear that its partnership with Russia in nuclear energy, hydrocarbons and defence will not be compromised by Western pressure.

A Zelensky visit – coming on the heels of Putin’s – would underline India’s refusal to be treated as an appendage to Western or Russian strategy. It would show that India is shaping the conversation, not reacting to it.

If the visit happens, it will mark one of the boldest diplomatic statements of Modi’s third term: that New Delhi is no longer content being analysed by others. It is now setting the terms of engagement for both sides in one of the world’s most consequential conflicts.